With the anniversary, Egypt is definitively in the new phase of its upheaval.
From the revolt that began Jan. 25, 2011 and led to the fall of autocrat Hosni Mubarak, the country has moved into a deeply divisive struggle between ruling Islamists, who say a string of election victories the past year gives them to right to reshape Egypt, and their opponents, who say Islamists are moving to take complete power.
Overshadowing their struggle is an economy in free-fall that threatens to fuel public discontent. The vital tourism sector has slumped, investment shriveled, foreign currency reserves have tumbled and prices are on the rise, with more pain likely in the coming months if the government moves to implement new austerity measures.
In Cairo's central Tahrir square, where the January 2011 uprising was born, and the area outside Morsi's palace in the city's Heliopolis district were rapidly filling up with protesters by Friday afternoon. There were similar if smaller crowds in central squares in the Mediterranean cities of Alexandria and Port Said as well as the Mehalla in the Nile Delta, Suez at the southern entrance of the Suez Canal, Assiut and Luxor in the south and Fayoum southwest of Cairo.
The crowds chanted the iconic slogans of the revolt against Mubarak, this time directed against Morsi - "Erha! Erhal!" or "leave, leave" and "the people want to topple the regime."
Clashes broke out for a second day on some side streets near Tahrir and police fired tear gas to disperse the young men throwing stones. There were also clashes in Alexandria and Suez, and In the Delta town of Menouf protesters blocked off railway lines, disrupting train services to and from Cairo. Some two thousand demonstrators also surrounded the colossal state TV and radio building in central Cairo, chanting slogans against Morsi and his Brotherhood.
The immediate goal of the protesters is a show of strength to push Morsi to amend the constitution, which was pushed through by his Islamist allies and rushed through a national referendum. But more broadly, protesters are trying to show the extent of public anger against what they call the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, the organization Morsi hails from, which they say is taking over the state rather than setting up a broad-based democracy.
"I am asking everyone to go out and demonstrate to show that the revolution must be completed and that the revolution must continue," opposition leader Mohamed ElBaradei said in a televised message posted on his party's website.
"There must be a constitution for all Egyptians. A constitution that every one of us sees himself in it," said the Nobel peace Laureate and former head of the U.N. nuclear watchdog.
Unlike in 2012, when both sides made a show of marking Jan. 25 - though, granted, not together - the Brotherhood stayed off the streets for Friday's anniversary. The group said it would honor the occasion with acts of public service, like treating the sick and planting trees. The Brotherhood's ultraconservative allies known as Salafis are also staying off the streets. Their absence may reduce, but not entirely remove, the possibility of violence.
The night before, Morsi gave a televised speech that showed the extent of the estrangement between the two sides. He denounced what he called a "counter-revolution" that is "being led by remnants of ousted president Hosni Mubarak's regime to obstruct everything in the country."
Brotherhood officials have increasingly depicted the opposition as undemocratic, trying to use the streets to overturn an elected leadership.
In another sign of the increasingly bitter tone, new militia-like groups opposed to the Islamists have declared in video messages posted on social networks this week their intention to defend the opposition protesters if attacked. At least 10 people were killed and hundreds injured in December when Morsi's supporters descended upon protesters camped outside his palace, starting clashes that lasted for hours with firebombs, swords, knifes and firearms.
Police and protesters near Cairo's central Tahrir square were clashing for the second successive day on Friday, with police using tear gas. Clashes began in Cairo on Thursday when the protesters tried to dismantle a concrete wall erected by police to protect the nearby buildings housing parliament and the Cabinet. Scores were injured.
The demands of Friday's protesters vary. Some on the extremist fringe of Egypt's loosely knit opposition want Morsi to step down and the constitution adopted last month rescinded. Others are calling for the document to be amended and early presidential elections held.
Morsi, a U.S.-trained engineer, took office in June after a narrow election victory with just under 52 percent of the vote to become the country's first freely elected president.
On the horizon are key elections to choose a new lower house of parliament. The opposition is hoping it can leverage public anger into a substantial bloc in the legislature, but it is still trying to weld together an effective campaign coalition in the face of Islamists' strength at the ballot box.
Last winter, the Brotherhood and Salafis won around 75 percent of the lower house's seats, though the body was later disbanded by court order.
Opponents say Morsi and his Islamist backers have taken that election mandate too far, accusing the secretive, closed Muslim Brotherhood of simply stepping in to fill the shoes of Mubarak's ousted ruling party, only now with a conservative religious bent.
The most glaring example is the constitution itself: Islamists finalized the draft in a rushed, all-night meeting, throwing in amendments to fit their needs, then pushed it through a swift referendum in which only a third of voters participated. The result is a document that could bring a much stricter implementation of Shariah, or Islamic law, than modern Egypt has ever seen.
At the same time, Morsi has kept government policy-making and the choice of appointments almost entirely within the Brotherhood. Members and supporters of the group are being installed bit by bit throughout the state infrastructure - from governor posts, to chiefs of state TV and newspapers, down to preachers in state-run mosques.
"Egypt is in a bad place, It's been wholly consumed with issues of power, and governance has been left by the wayside. None of this had to be," said Michael W. Hanna, a senior fellow at the New York-based Century Foundation. "It was a conscious decision to eschew reform by consensus. ... For them (the Brotherhood) it's not about reform it's about power."
In Egypt, the danger for the Brotherhood now is that it stands alone as it faces the difficult task of stopping the accelerating slide of the economy. That will require some highly unpopular decisions, including raising taxes and reducing subsidies on fuel and basic foodstuffs. Morsi's government has so far not put forward a cohesive plan, and public anger is growing over mounting prices, unemployment and poverty.
If Morsi and the Brotherhood can't fix the economy, they may try to keep the support of their Islamist base by focusing instead on "the culture war," pushing through a religious agenda of stricter Shariah and more sectarian rhetoric against Egypt's Christian minority, warns Hanna. "We'll see more polarized politics, and that's a bad omen for actually governing," he said.
(Copyright 2013 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.)